ASEAN special envoy's Myanmar aid mission draws mixed reactions amid peace plan impasse

JAKARTA: A recent humanitarian mission to Myanmar by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) - led by the bloc's special envoy to the country - has drawn mixed reactions, with some observers highlighting its potential to reach vulnerable communities, while others warn against engaging the country's military authorities amid a lack of progress on an agreed peace plan. 

Special envoy Maria Theresa Lazaro, who is also the Philippine foreign secretary, visited the country from Oct 28 to 29 to launch a month-long operation with the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre).

It was the third ASEAN aid distribution in Myanmar this year, but the first in which the grouping's special envoy personally participated, according to Indonesia's charge d'affaires in Yangon, Novan Saleh.

The mission, which comes ahead of the ASEAN Leaders' Summit in Manila from Nov 15 to 17, aims to distribute humanitarian assistance, including 50kg bags of rice and personal hygiene kits, to more than 11,000 households affected by Myanmar's prolonged conflict. Lazaro also met Myanmar's military-backed leadership during her visit.

Joanne Lin, senior fellow and coordinator of the ASEAN Studies Centre at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, said the mission was significant because ASEAN had managed to access areas it previously could not reach.

"What was really significant in this case is the fact that they managed to go into areas that they were not able to access before," she told CNA.

But Khin Zaw Win, director of Tampadipa Institute, a policy advocacy and capacity-building institute based in Yangon, questioned the scale of the assistance. 

“Even 11,000 households is a small number," he told CNA. “It's more of a symbolic gesture.”

Gugun Muhammad, a member of the Jakarta-based non-governmental organisation Leaders and Organizers of Community Organization in Asia (LOCOA), also questioned the broader implications of the visit.

“It could normalise and legitimise a government that emerged from a 'sham' election, as though ASEAN recognises it,” said Gugun. 

He said ASEAN should engage a broader range of stakeholders, rather than focusing primarily on the military-backed administration.

The contrasting views highlight ASEAN's challenge in balancing humanitarian engagement with political pressure, as Myanmar's military leadership seeks to regain full participation in the regional bloc despite restrictions imposed following the February 2021 coup.

ASEAN'S HUMANITARIAN ENGAGEMENT 

For ASEAN, delivering assistance to communities affected by Myanmar's conflict remains an important part of its response to the crisis.

The latest operation also marked an attempt to reach communities that the bloc had previously struggled to access, with Lazaro travelling to Taunggyi in Southern Shan State and Kayin as part of the mission.

Novan, Indonesia's representative in Yangon, said the latest aid operation should not be interpreted as political recognition of Myanmar's military-backed government.

He noted that humanitarian deliveries through the AHA Centre had gone on for years, with assistance provided by ASEAN member states and other partners, including Japan.

“In my view, there is no connection between the distribution of assistance and allegations that Myanmar is using it to gain international recognition or normalise relations,” he said.

“Humanitarian assistance has long been part of ASEAN's mandate.”

He added that the AHA Centre and Myanmar's authorities typically coordinated over locations where assistance was needed.

CNA reached out to the AHA Centre, but it declined to comment.

However, some observers questioned whether ASEAN's humanitarian operations could make a meaningful difference while Myanmar's political crisis remained unresolved.

Kyaw, a Myanmar civil society researcher who spoke under a pseudonym because of security concerns, said humanitarian assistance should continue but should not come at the expense of political engagement.

“Humanitarian assistance for people affected by Myanmar's crisis remains important and should continue,” Kyaw said.

“However, humanitarian aid is already being delivered through a range of actors, including UN agencies, international NGOs, and local civil society organisations.”

He said ASEAN's comparative advantage lay in political engagement rather than humanitarian delivery.

“The concern is not humanitarian assistance itself, but whether humanitarian activities are presented as evidence of progress while the underlying political crisis remains unresolved,” he said.

The Philippines, the current ASEAN chair, said the latest mission to Myanmar aimed to expand efforts toward humanitarian assistance, particularly for unserved communities in Myanmar.

“The mission has served this purpose, as the special envoy has successfully led an ASEAN Monitoring Team (AMT) Mission, joined by representatives from the embassies of ASEAN Member States and Japan. The Special Envoy distributed rice, family kits, and personal hygiene kits, which kickstarted a month-long humanitarian operation that will reach more than 11,000 households in Kayin, Northern Shan, and Southern Shan States, focusing on areas not previously reached by the AHA Centre,” the Philippine department of foreign affairs said in a statement to CNA.

“Moving forward for the duration of her term, the special envoy will continue to advocate for expanded access, particularly to those areas and communities who need it the most.”

MYANMAR'S PUSH FOR POLITICAL NORMALISATION

The humanitarian debate comes as Myanmar's military leadership seeks to restore its standing within ASEAN and regain participation in the bloc's highest-level meetings.

Novan said restoring Myanmar's political representation would require consensus among ASEAN leaders, which had not been reached.

“What we have gathered here is that the Myanmar side certainly wants relations to return to normal,” he told CNA.

ASEAN member states have taken different approaches to engaging Myanmar's military-backed administration following the country's latest military-organised elections.

Myanmar's military leader Min Aung Hlaing met Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in Putrajaya in October. He has also met the leaders of Cambodia, Thailand, Laos and Vietnam.

Malaysia has said it does not recognise Myanmar's post-election administration, illustrating how diplomatic engagement does not necessarily amount to formal recognition.

Singapore said Myanmar remained an integral part of ASEAN following an informal meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers with Myanmar representatives in Bangkok on Jul 12.

However, Singapore expressed disappointment over the limited progress in implementing the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus.

The consensus, agreed in 2021, calls for an end to violence, inclusive political dialogue and humanitarian assistance, among other measures.

Singapore also stressed the importance of constructive dialogue among all of Myanmar's key stakeholders to achieve a peaceful and durable resolution to the crisis.

Lin of ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute said Myanmar's military leadership was seeking reintegration into ASEAN, but the bloc needed to maintain its conditions.

The challenge, she said, was to ensure that humanitarian engagement remained part of a broader effort to address the crisis, rather than becoming a substitute for political progress.

ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus

Following a 2021 military coup, ASEAN has excluded Myanmar from high-level meetings as it has yet to make meaningful progress on the bloc's Five-Point Consensus to end hostilities. 

During a meeting in April 2021, all ASEAN leaders reached a consensus about the situation in Myanmar.

The five points are:

First, there shall be immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar and all parties shall exercise utmost restraint.

Second, constructive dialogue among all parties concerned shall commence to seek a peaceful solution in the interests of the people.

Third, a special envoy of the ASEAN chair shall facilitate mediation of the dialogue process, with the assistance of the secretary-general of ASEAN.

Fourth, ASEAN shall provide humanitarian assistance through the AHA Centre.

Fifth, the special envoy and delegation shall visit Myanmar to meet with all parties concerned.

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ASEAN'S DIPLOMATIC CHALLENGE OVER MYANMAR

Lazaro did not meet Myanmar's detained former civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, amid reports that she had wanted to meet the Nobel laureate during her trip.

Lin said securing the release of political prisoners remained an important ASEAN objective, but cautioned against judging the special envoy's mission solely by what it had not achieved.

“She has to do what she has to do. And it will only be to the extent that it is being allowed,” she said.

Ahead of the ASEAN Leaders' Summit in Manila from Nov 15 to 17, Lin said the bloc's credibility would depend on maintaining its Five-Point Consensus.

As of October this year, more than 100,000 people had been killed in Myanmar since the February 2021 coup, according to the United Nations.

WHAT LIES AHEAD FOR ASEAN?

Appointing a longer-term ASEAN special envoy could provide greater continuity in addressing Myanmar's crisis, although member states had yet to agree on such an arrangement, said ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute's Lin.
ASEAN leaders reaffirmed at their May summit that the Five-Point Consensus remained the grouping's primary reference for addressing Myanmar's political crisis.

Novan said restoring Myanmar's representation within ASEAN could not be decided unilaterally by Myanmar or the bloc's chair.

“Returning Myanmar's representation to normal within ASEAN requires consensus among the leaders,” he said.

Lin said maintaining a consistent approach would be essential to preserving ASEAN's credibility.

“If they don't see that sort of progress, then of course, their own credibility is at stake.”

Source: CNA/ks(ac)