Najib's house arrest stirs voter concerns as BN-PN alliance faces test at Melaka polls

MELAKA: Cendol stallholder Albert was taken aback when he read that former Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak would be allowed to serve the remainder of his first prison sentence under house arrest.

"I was shocked and couldn't believe that it was actually happening. I don't think normal Malaysians or other convicts would have been offered this privilege," said Albert, who operates his eatery in Melaka's historic town centre and wanted to be known only by his first name.

The businessman, who is in his 40s, acknowledged that ordinary citizens had little say in the decision. But with Melaka heading to the polls on Saturday (Nov 14), he believed voters could still make their feelings known.

"We can't change these decisions; it is the prerogative of the king. But what we can do is to register this (dissatisfaction) on polling day," he said.

Najib, who was convicted in a corruption case involving SRC International, a former subsidiary of state investment fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), was granted a conditional royal pardon allowing him to serve the remainder of his sentence under house arrest should he pay his RM50 million (US$12.3 million) fine.

Najib’s move from Kajang Prison to his home in Kuala Lumpur’s upmarket Taman Duta neighbourhood - which happened in the heat of campaigning for Melaka's state election - has thrust the former premier back into the political spotlight, reigniting debate over unequal treatment under the law and sparking a fresh round of political recriminations.

Some voters CNA spoke to said the controversy could influence their choices at the ballot box, particularly among those frustrated by what they perceive as preferential treatment for Malaysia's political elite.

The fallout has also exposed divisions within Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, with Democratic Action Party (DAP) secretary-general Anthony Loke resigning from his position as transport minister in protest.

Meanwhile, Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah) president Mohamad Sabu - who is also minister of agriculture and food security - pledged his ministerial salary towards efforts to ensure fair treatment for all prisoners.

Their moves drew sharp criticism from Najib’s United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which accused Loke of challenging the constitutional authority of the king.

UMNO vice-president Mohamad Hasan said while campaigning in Melaka that Loke's resignation was not a matter of principle, but called into question the monarch's constitutional power to grant pardons.

Asked by CNA about the controversy on the campaign trail, Loke maintained that voters should ultimately be allowed to judge the decision for themselves.

"I'm sure that many voters find it hard to accept that Najib has been (accorded) house arrest but of course we respect the power of the king and rule of law in this country. Whether or not we can accept this decision, voters can express this on their ballot papers," said Loke.

"However, this is just one issue voters are considering - there are other factors - like picking a representative who can resolve local issues and help with the state's overall development."

WILL PERCEIVED DOUBLE STANDARDS BOOST PH'S PROSPECTS?

Among some urban voters CNA spoke to, Najib's conditional pardon has reinforced concerns over whether politically influential individuals are treated differently from ordinary Malaysians.

For Siti Maryam Suhaimi, a voter in the closely contested Bukit Katil constituency, the decision struck a personal chord.

With a relative currently serving a prison sentence, she said the possibility of seeking house arrest had never even crossed her family's mind.

"I don't think this is possible for ordinary Malaysians," the 26-year-old said. 

Najib is believed to be the first high-profile convicted prisoner in Malaysia to have a prison sentence commuted to house arrest through a conditional royal pardon.

The former premier had been imprisoned since August 2022. His original 12-year sentence was halved to six years by Malaysia's Pardons Board in 2024, while his fine was reduced from RM210 million to RM50 million.

In September this year, Malaysia's King Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar granted Najib a conditional pardon allowing him to serve the remainder of his sentence under house arrest until Aug 23, 2028, subject to payment of the court-ordered fine.

UMNO paid the fine on Nov 6 following a crowdfunding campaign organised by Najib’s supporters.  

The house arrest applies only to his reduced six-year sentence in the SRC International case. It does not cover a separate 15-year prison sentence imposed in December 2025 for corruption and money laundering in a second major trial linked to the 1MDB scandal. Najib is appealing that sentence.

Even among those sympathetic to the former prime minister, the decision has raised questions about fairness in the clemency process.

Lawyer Ronald Gan, a senior member of Melaka's Baba-Nyonya community, said he regarded Najib as a pro-business leader whose policies had benefited the economy.

But he questioned why Najib's case appeared to have received priority over those of other prisoners seeking clemency.

"In law when (all appeals have been exhausted), convicts can still ask for clemency from the king … Who should you go through to ask for your pardon to be fast-tracked?" said Gan.

PH's chief ministerial candidate and Deputy Defence Minister Adly Zahari also weighed in, urging voters to assess the decision against the principle that all Malaysians should be treated equally before the law.

"Our principle is that every Malaysian should be treated the same, and we leave this up to the voters to make their stand for the election," said Adly, who is contesting in Bukit Katil, in response to a question from CNA.

The constituency, where more than 60 per cent of voters are ethnic Malays, is among the election's closely watched battlegrounds.

Analysts said it could offer an indication of whether PH can make inroads against the growing electoral partnership between Barisan Nasional (BN) and Perikatan Nasional (PN).

BN, which leads the incumbent Melaka state government, is seeking another landslide victory alongside PN, following the two coalitions' resounding wins in Johor and Negeri Sembilan earlier this year. Najib’s UMNO is a BN lynchpin party.

Their strongest support comes from the Malay-Muslim electorate, which accounts for around 60 per cent of Melaka's voters.

Political analyst Mazlan Ali said Najib's house arrest could have contrasting effects across different segments of the electorate, with rural Malay voters more inclined to accept the decision while urban voters may see it as an example of preferential treatment.

"For rural Malays and those in Felda (Federal Land Development Authority) settlements, the prospect is seen as justified; while they acknowledge his wrongdoing, they also believe he made significant contributions to the Malay community. This segment will almost certainly remain firmly supportive of (BN-PN)," said Mazlan.

"Conversely, young voters, fence-sitters, and out-of-state voters are deeply angered, viewing the situation as an instance of special treatment granted to a prominent figure. These groups are highly likely to register their protest by casting their votes for PH, Bersatu (Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia), or independent candidates," he added.

For PH, such discontent could provide an electoral opening, particularly in urban and mixed constituencies.

The coalition is also engaged in an informal and unacknowledged electoral understanding with former PN component party Bersatu, with both sides avoiding direct contests in four seats.

But whether PH can fully capitalise on the backlash over Najib's pardon is another question, given the role some of its own leaders played in the clemency process. 

PH FACES QUESTIONS OVER ITS OWN ROLE IN NAJIB'S PARDON

While PH leaders have sought to distance themselves from Najib's conditional pardon, the coalition has also come under scrutiny over its involvement in bringing the former premier's case before the Pardons Board.

During campaigning in Melaka, former Economy Minister Rafizi Ramli argued that PH must acknowledge its role in the circumstances leading to Najib's release rather than disavow responsibility.

"You and I know that someone's name will be put up for pardon, (this can only be done) by the administration of the day. Because there are thousands of names seeking pardon … Najib jumped the queue," he said during a rally speech in Melaka.

Following his resignation from Cabinet, Rafizi now leads the new Parti Bersama Malaysia, which is contesting 16 of the 28 seats in the state election.

His remarks came as a video of Anwar speaking in parliament resurfaced and circulated widely online in recent days.

In the clip, Anwar acknowledged that he had brought Najib's pardon application before the Pardons Board in 2024.

"I was the one who ensured that Najib's pardon application is put on the agenda. Why did I do it? Because I felt it deserved to be considered," Anwar said.

At the time, PH and BN were allies in the federal government. Their relationship has since become strained, with the two coalitions going head-to-head in recent state elections although they remain in the unity government.

Separately, Federal Territories Minister Hannah Yeoh - who hails from DAP - sits on the Pardons Board that advises the king on pardons, though the king ultimately has the final say. 

Political scientist Wong Chin Huat said the resurfaced clip served as a reminder of PH's own involvement in the process that eventually led to Najib being granted house arrest.

"For PH supporters, some are angry that PH was not firm against Najib and even complicit in securing Najib's release … They may stay at home or vote Bersama," said Wong, an academic at Sunway University and a member of Malaysian non-governmental organisation Project Stability and Accountability for Malaysia (Projek Sama).

The controversy carries particular political significance given Najib's central role in the 1MDB scandal, which contributed to BN's historic defeat in the 2018 general election after more than six decades in power.

The backlash against Najib and UMNO at the time also drew support from voters who subsequently backed PAS, now a key component of PN.

Wong said Najib remained a political liability for BN among some segments of the Malay electorate, although this could be offset by the appeal of greater Malay political unity.

"Given the records of the Malay middle ground rejecting UMNO twice in 2018 and 2022 (three months after Najib's imprisonment), Najib is a net liability but this liability is overcome by the Malay unity narrative," he said.

That calculation could prove crucial in Melaka, where the growing cooperation between BN and PN may ultimately carry greater electoral weight than the controversy surrounding Najib's conditional pardon.

BN-PN ALLIANCE FACES TEST OF ITS STAYING POWER

Beyond the political fallout from Najib's house arrest, analysts said a potentially more consequential development in the Melaka election is the strengthening partnership between BN and PN.

Saturday's polls will provide another test of whether the alliance, which secured convincing victories in Johor and Negeri Sembilan earlier this year, can sustain its momentum and lay the groundwork for broader cooperation ahead of Malaysia's next general election that must be held by February 2028.

That cooperation has been particularly visible in closely watched constituencies such as Bukit Katil and Paya Rumput, where both coalitions have sought to rally their respective grassroots supporters behind a common electoral cause.

At a PAS-organised rally in Paya Rumput on Wednesday night, UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi took to the stage alongside leaders of the Islamist party, marking what he said was the first time in years that he had done so at a political rally.

In his speech, Zahid pledged that if BN-PN won the election, PN leaders would be invited to take up leadership positions in the next Melaka state government.

"Let's forget our past differences. Let's not stop at Melaka, we have more to do after this," said Zahid, who is also deputy prime minister in Anwar's Cabinet.

"If we clinch a strong majority, it's a picture for BN-PN to be allies and work together and build a new home (for the country) at the national level," he added, drawing loud cheers from hundreds of BN and PN supporters.

The show of unity underscored the political stakes extending beyond Melaka, as both coalitions look to turn their electoral cooperation into a more durable partnership.

Wong said the alliance was likely to hold in the near term, given UMNO's calculation that PAS offered its best route back to power.

But he cautioned that significant questions remained over how the two coalitions would navigate more difficult decisions, particularly at the national level.

One potential sticking point, he said, would be whether PAS would agree to an UMNO prime minister if the Islamist party secured more parliamentary seats in the next general election.

Mazlan similarly questioned how far the partnership could extend, noting that seat negotiations in the PAS-controlled northern states were "expected to be exceptionally difficult".

For now, however, those longer-term tensions may matter less than the alliance's ability to consolidate its support in Melaka.

While Najib's conditional pardon has dominated much of the campaign rhetoric, the election will also test whether PH and other challengers can persuade voters that they offer a credible alternative to the incumbent administration.

For Albert, who will cast his ballot in the town-centre constituency of Bandar Hilir, the controversy over Najib's perceived preferential treatment has raised questions about fairness. But it is not the only consideration shaping his vote.

"The Najib issue aside, it's about which leaders can improve our lives and livelihood. That's what is foremost when we cast our ballot on Saturday," he said.

Source: CNA/am(as)